ibunka TB_U1

As with several other topics in this textbook, there are considerable differences among Western countries, even if it is still possible to talk about them as a general cultural group without being far off the mark. And when describing cultural differences, it is not a question of black or white absolutes, but of degree. This is a key point that we want students to grasp, and be able to express, as they work their way through the book. For example, Geert Hofstede, the famous Ducth interculturalist, writes that Americans tend to present themselves in professional settings as very self-assured (“I am very conYident I can perform at a high level”) whereas Europeans are used to being more low-key. In the Ibunka Survey, British respondent Catriona describes herself as adhering to the British habit of self-deprecation (p.12). But again, the difference depends largely on the point of comparison. New Zealander Jane talks about her students’ tendency to describe themselves as incompetent, and sometimes even to make mistakes on purpose so as not to stand out. This is something that probably surprises all “Western” teachers in Japan. Compliments In this unit, Comprehension 3 is focused on a connected topic: compliments. Belgian respondent Marc notes that Japanese people tend to compliment others frequently, in order to “put oil on the wheels” of communication. (p.13) People from these cultures systematically look for something on which to compliment the other person on. This is sometimes a trivial thing, such as “Your Japanese is really good,” after a foreigner has just said “Hello” in Japanese, or “You use chopsticks so well.” These comments also commonly refer to physical attributes. It is surprising and even shocking to many Westerners when they are praised for physical attributes that are considered desirable in Japanese culture, such as having long legs, a small head or face, having lost weight or being handsome or pretty. The Ylipside of this propensity is that Japanese people do not speak highly of their own family members, even when there would be a reason to. The Canadian respondent in the One Step Further section (no.8, p.76) even says that she witnessed Japanese parents actively denigrating their daughter (“She looks like an old shoe”) despite the fact that their daughter “was actually very pretty.” For Westerners in general, it seems that gushing compliments are less frequent. They should ideally be “truthful”, i.e., they should reYlect what the person who utters them actually thinks, otherwise they might be perceived as Ylattery. High- and low- context cultures Finally, the topic of self-introductions can be connected with the framework of high and low context cultures. The renowned ethnologist Edward T. Hall characterizes American culture as a “low context culture”. This means that people rely comparatively less on the context to understand the meaning of situations and words. They prefer and need more explicitness. By contrast, Japanese culture is a comparatively high context culture: the social context provides many clues to communication, and less needs to be explicitly said. Many European cultures are said to fall somewhere between these two extremes. References and further reading • Carroll, R. (1988), Cultural Misunderstandings : the French-American experience , Chicago : University of Chicago Press • Azra, J.L. (2011), Les Japonais sont-ils différents ? : 62 clefs pour comprendre le Japon ordinaire . Paris: Connaissances et Savoirs (in French) • Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture's consequences: International differences in work-related values . Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. • Hall, E.T. (1076), Beyond Culture , Garden City, N.Y. : Anchor Press • Polite But Not Discreet: Why Is Japan So Open About Body-Talk? ( Savvy Tokyo article)

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UNIT 1 | CULTURAL COMMENTARY